Pictures sex fucking concentration camps

Posted by / 10-Jul-2017 09:09

Pictures sex fucking concentration camps

Two former Cuban intelligence agents have both estimated that of approximately 35,000 UMAP internees,8 about 500 ended up in psychiatric wards, 70 died from torture, and 180 committed suicide (Fuentes 300–3; Vivés 238).The persons most frequently interned at the camps were (religious zealots) and gay men.9 The large swath of internees included Jehovah’s Witnesses (Ros 191), Seventh Day Adventists (Blanco 73), Catholics (Cardenal 293), Baptists (Muñoz; Blanco 73), Methodists (Yglesias 295), Pentecostals (Blanco 87), Episcopalians (Blanco 73), practitioners of Santería (Santiago), Abakuá members (Santiago; Izquierdo; Llovio 151; Cabrera 164), Gideon members (“Unidades,” 8), those suspected of intending to flee the country (Cabrera 12; Blanco 34, 67; Ros 47), priests (Ros 62), artists (Guerra 2010, 268), intellectuals (Guerra 2010, 268), ideologically nonconforming university students (Blanco 66; Ros 122), lesbians (Guerra 2012, 254), (potheads) (Muñoz), drug addicts (Yglesias 299), political prisoners (Santiago), government officials accused of corruption (Llovio 160), criminals (Ros 152; Former), prostitutes (Guerra 2012, 254; Garinger 7; Martínez 70–71), pimps (Yglesias 299), farmers who refused collectivization (Fuentes 300–3), persons who worked for themselves illegally (Fuentes 300–3), (deadbeats) (Blanco 2013), and anyone else considered “anti-social” or “counter-revolutionary.” With no single group forming the majority, the term “UMAP internee” represents a decidedly plural collective. In a roaring March 1966 speech delivered on the ” (Castro 1966).Because a topic of this nature is nearly impossible to study in Cuba, the arguments put forth in this article draw upon sources such as Cuban newspapers, memoirs of the camps, and interviews with former internees.Operations The UMAP, , were agricultural forced-work camps operated by the Cuban government between November 1965 and July 1968 in the east-central province of Camagüey.6 Two years before the first internees were sent to UMAP camps, the Cuban government published Law 1129, which established a three-year SMO – (Obligatory Military Service).7 Under the pretense of the SMO, those considered unfit for the regular military service were sent to the UMAP camps.of tracking down a forced-labor camp hidden in the lush sugar fields of central Cuba” (Kidd 1969, 24). Firstly, the UMAP was a means of repressing insufficiently 5 elements of civil society, such as religious groups and secret societies.Secondly, the UMAP constituted the extreme fringe of a nuanced spectrum of coerced, unpaid labor that was central to the Revolution’s economic goals.Individuals would receive a telegram with a notice to appear for SMO at locations such as sports stadiums (Ros 37, 73; Cabrera 37).

Keywords: Cuba, UMAP, forced labor, gender, race, homosexuality, Jehovah's Witnesses Introduction The only third-party testimony of the UMAP camps comes from Canadian journalist Paul Kidd, who was expelled from Cuba on September 8, 1966.1 The Cuban Foreign Ministry alleged that Kidd had written articles critical of the Cuban Revolution and had taken photos of anti-aircraft guns visible from his Havana hotel room window.2 Paul Kidd had just returned from an unauthorized trip to Camagüey, where he “had the unique experience … For nearly half a century, historians have almost entirely omitted the UMAP camps from Cuban history while Cuban exiles have denounced the UMAP as concentration camps.3 The current, scarce literature on the UMAP camps has exclusively incorporated homosexual internees’ experiences and has characterized the camps solely as an instance of gender policing.4 This article argues that the UMAP was not a fringe of revolutionary policy aimed at a sliver of the population, but an integral and multifaceted component of the Cuban Revolution’s economic, social, and political aspirations., were forced-work agricultural labor camps operated by the Cuban government during the mid-1960s in the east-central province of Camagüey.The current academic literature on the UMAP camps has exclusively taken into account homosexual internees’ experiences and has characterized the camps solely as an instance of gender policing.At the same time, however, the experiences of the diverse gamut of UMAP internees – ranging from Catholic priests to , as well as artists and intellectuals – cannot be generalized into a single, concentration-camp narrative.Instead, the UMAP camps performed many different functions and held many different meanings.

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The camps were surrounded by a 10 feet tall barbed-wire fence and had no running water or electricity (Cardenal 294; Cabrera 54; Blanco 47; Ros 10; Muñoz; Sanger).

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